Living The Turquoise Trail

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The scattered presence of turquoise along North America’s Turquoise Trails reveals a surprising history. Some of the most notable of these trails originate at the ancient mines of the Cerrillos District near Santa Fe, spanning a millennium and reaching thousands of miles in every direction.

Archaeological evidence at the Cerrillos mine sites dates back to at least AD 900, and the materials mined there were traded throughout the Southwest and into Central America. In the early 1970s, I found myself on the Turquoise Trail, prompting a lifelong pursuit as I craft the blue and green stones and contribute a small part to the long, illustrious history of turquoise in America.

Today I work as a photographer, painter, silversmith, and jeweler. I run a business, and I participate in the economic and artistic culture of my hometown of Santa Fe. But the most interesting part of my story involves my ownership of turquoise mines in Cerrillos. This includes the famous Tiffany Mine, which yielded perfectly blue turquoise to New York’s Tiffany jewelry company during the late nineteenth century and, for centuries prior, to the Indians. This adventurous stewardship, while at times complex, challenging, and improbable, has felt, to me, inevitable.

An Artist Comes to Santa Fe

I am an artist by nature, and I sensed since childhood that my life would unfold in an unorthodox progression. I live intuitively, “chasing destiny.” Thus it was that I came to New Mexico in 1968 and found turquoise jewelry. I grew up in Los Angeles, lost my mother at an early age, and endured, though appreciated, an overwhelmed father. I was an unenthusiastic student; however, a wonderful high school teacher introduced me to photography, a passion that sustained me through graduation. I abandoned college after flunking an art course and was swiftly drafted into the Vietnam War–era US Army, spending the war years in El Paso, Texas, and southern New Mexico, where I developed a strong attachment to the southwestern environment. An El Paso woman who saw my photographs of Texas and the Mexico border said to me, “You should go to Santa Fe. It’s beautiful.” And so, following my army discharge, my artist’s eye led me to Santa Fe, where for forty-six years I’ve pursued photography, painting, silverwork, and turquoise. These mediums interact within me and inform me. The Southwest cultures have crept into me, and I enjoy a deep love of these mixed people and their history. It is all a part of me, and I have become a part of it.

From Silversmith to Prospector

In 1973 I was a self-taught novice silversmith and began in earnest learning about and working with turquoise. Through my early exposure to Indian jewelry, I had already learned to identify some of the famous varieties of the gem. Now, I created my own interpretations of that jewelry but could scarce afford much turquoise for my work. One day, during a discussion with my friend Steve Fleming at my workshop on Apodaca Hill in Santa Fe, I learned of a site of turquoise mines in the hills near Cerrillos. “Would you like to go now?” he asked.

In Steve’s Volkswagen Bug, a car surprisingly well suited to rough terrain, we drove south. The gravel road led us several miles into inauspicious-looking, low-lying hills. No roads, buildings, or signs betrayed the hidden treasures. We hopped a barbed wire fence and hiked to the hillside a short distance away. As we climbed the gentle slope, we passed heaps of broken white rock—the byproducts of hundreds of years of mining. Among the rocks and desert grasses we spied chips of turquoise, some small as a bug and some larger, adhering within veins to chunks of rock like petrified butter on marbled bread.

For several years beginning in 1973, I returned to the mines and gathered turquoise, using it in my jewelry. Simultaneously, I developed my skills, studying Native silversmithing collections at the Museum of New Mexico’s Laboratory of Anthropology, while working with Native silversmiths in Gallup. I sold my work wherever I could, oftentimes I sold directly to private buyers, and occasionally to the Indians under the historic portal at the Palace of the Governors. Several of the Indians, in fact, wore my jewelry while selling their own. Connie Tsosie Gaussoin and her husband, Jerry Gaussoin, purchased my pieces in the early 1970s and still wear them today. I am proud and honored to see my belt buckles and bracelets on this legendary Navajo jewelry family.

Outside representation for my work, however, was nonexistent. In the 1970s and early 1980s, for example, I was unable to show in Packard’s, the iconic store on the plaza that closed last year (now replaced by Malouf’s), because I am not Native American. At the time, Packards only sold the work of Native artists. James Aumell and Leo Hakola at Traders Bazaar on Canyon Road were early buyers, and then, during the 1980s, things shifted. Non-Native silversmiths gained acceptance—not as imitation Native jewelry-makers, but rather as fellow artists participating in a craft. Less defined by ethnicity, jewelry, as an art form and expression, broadened, embracing not only Native roots, but also Spanish and American influences. This lead to a new genre: western jewelry, which found a national as well as a Santa Fe market.

The Cerrillos turquoise mines were owned at this time by D. E. “Skip” Stahl and Frank Rapstine, oilmen from Amarillo, Texas. They had purchased the property years earlier, intending land development for housing. Then in 1980 the New Mexico highway department, assuming that the area’s piles of rock were up for grabs, dumped truckloads of material from their property onto roadbeds along old Route 22. People found turquoise and archaeological artifacts, including prehistoric pottery and stone tools, along the road. Alarmed, Rapstine and Stahl demanded the highway department return the material to their site. It was estimated that a million dollars worth of turquoise and archaeological evidence was damaged. Yet Rapstine and Stahl were compensated with a mere $5,000.

Concerned, they hired a caretaker. Don Clark, a Texan, was well known as an excellent cutter of the local Texas gemstone called Texas Topaz. In exchange for watching over the site, Rapstine and Stahl allowed Clark to cut the turquoise, sell it, and keep a portion of the proceeds. Without electricity or running water, he lived with his wife, two teenage sons, and assorted pigs, goats, and chickens in a collection of trailers at the mines.

Claiming to have an extraordinary feel for the material, Clark complained that Santa Fe dealers were shunning him. The truth is, however, that as good as he might have been at cutting topaz, he was not good at cutting turquoise. Fine, rare turquoise should never be cut until someone is ready to make something out of it; the intermediary person is likely to do a poor job and damage valuable material. Nevertheless, I bought some turquoise from Clark’s cutting shop, in an old trailer on the property surrounded by cardboard boxes of rock. Insisting he did not need a scale, Clark weighed the precious stones in his bare hands.

Eventually Don Clark put me in touch with Rapstine and Stahl in Amarillo. On a trip to Santa Fe they visited my house on Delgado Street, where, with the help of an art attorney friend, David Carlson Smith, also from Amarillo, my associate Doug Eckberg and I worked out a prospecting agreement for the Castilian Mine. Don Clark worked simultaneously at the Tiffany Mine, also located on the site.

In 1988, out of the blue, Rapstine and Stahl decided to sell the property. They gave Don Clark first rights on the 40-acre Tiffany parcel but offered us first rights on the smaller Castilian Mine. Eckberg and I scraped together the money and bought it.

During the following year, things grew tense with Don Clark, who hoped to buy the Tiffany Mine. He created a foundation and sought donations and government partnerships. From a stash of turquoise buried decades earlier by James P. McNulty, a former caretaker of the Tiffany mines, Clark made a necklace and, with media fanfare about saving the mines, set off to get it appraised. However, the cutting and craftsmanship did not hold up, and the necklace appraised for a mere one thousand dollars. Watching from afar, Rapstine and Stahl shifted their focus and offered us the Tiffany Mine. Eckberg and I raised the down payment with a combination of loans and hard labor. Even my father chipped in, on condition that I hire my sister, who was escaping a bad marriage to an L.A. cop.

Don Clark felt betrayed. He was a complex character, one who threatened my life at gunpoint one day and played Santa Claus for local schoolchildren on the next. His temper and mistrust, although motivated by preserving the mines, strained my early ownership. He spread rumors, documented through video, that I was a developer and would ultimately destroy the property. Frightened, I wore a gun while working at the Castilian Mine. Looking back, I was scared to death: scared of Don, scared by the mess within the mines, and scared of the debt. But buying those mines had become very important to me.

Along with Eckberg, I worked out a real estate contract with Rapstine and Stahl: some money down, with regular payments due. If we missed one payment, we lost the property. In an Amarillo, Texas, oil company’s office, surrounded by files of paperwork, two scruffy hippie prospectors signed the papers on a treasured New Mexico property. Although Eckberg and I made the initial down payment together, I immediately took over the ten-year payout. Skip Stahl, who became my mentor and father figure, later confessed that he assumed I’d lose the mines, and that they would revert to him. When I surprised him and came through with the money, he cheered my success.

I documented those years in film with hours of undistributed documentaries spanning 1987 to 1989, when I changed from prospector to mine owner. The footage includes Don Clark, wild-haired, scruffy, cantankerous, and threatening much of the time, as well as the Amarillo legalities with Rapstine and Stahl. It shows my early efforts at sifting through tailings to find useable pieces of turquoise, working with home-rigged screening tables and wheelbarrows. It shows the backbreaking work of clearing decades of debris from the mines, along with the painstaking process of learning to care for them. One of the key characters who appears is Mark Ziegler, the product of a Kansas farm with a range of skills who over fifteen years helped restore the interior of the mines, maintain the grounds, build an amphitheater, and much more—the results of his labors are still intact.

In the early 1990s, attorney Tom Hnasko researched the Alicia, also known as the Elisia, Lode, a three-acre appendage to the Castilian, and traced ownership to a Henry S. Kaunes of Santa Fe and a Cerrillos miner named Diego Mares. Through Hnasko’s help, I purchased the Alicia Lode from the Kaunes and Mares heirs. With this purchase, I closed any loose ends on the property’s ownership, including my acquisition of 100 percent of the area’s mineral rights.

Since purchasing the mines, I’ve striven to be a conscientious and dedicated steward of the property. With income from parties, artistic performances, and movie productions, I maintain the mines without the development or destruction initially feared by Don Clark. From the beginning, I invited Puebloans from Santa Domingo back to the mines that were traditionally theirs to bless this sacred land, an invitation and tradition that continues today. The site remains a space that I hope will sustain the sense of history and the imagination of future generations.

Design Inspiration

The Cerrillos mines were depleted long before I arrived on the scene. The pieces that were available in the Puebloan era, in the Tiffany era, and even more so today, are small: it is rare to find a useable piece as large as a fingernail. Patricia McCraw’s book, Tiffany Blue, gives an excellent account of the mining process during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, drawing on the papers, transcribed by Cerrillos historian Bill Baxter, of her great grandfather, James P. McNulty, as he managed the mine for the American Turquoise Company and the Tiffany investors. His correspondence holds recurring laments from New York that his regular shipments of Cerrillos turquoise were too small and of lesser quality—not the pure blue that the Tiffany jewelers craved. Pressed to expand the mines, McNulty pressed back, insisting that various sections were exhausted.

Today, I don’t extract turquoise from the mine itself. So little remains that I feel it is more important to leave the stones in situ. Rather, I use turquoise that comes from decades of sifting through piles of tailings from previous generations of miners. My silversmithing and jewelry work largely draws on a collection of pieces the size of the human iris. After polishing the stones, I affix them with wax to small sticks arranged in blocks of florist foam, where they await incorporation into my designs. In addition, I love working big, especially with extravagant, whopping stones in traffic-stopping bracelets and buckles. For those pieces, I turn to turquoise from other mines, including Asian mines. It’s the challenge of working with small pieces of Cerrillos turquoise, however, enhanced by the rarity of that stone, that has driven much of my design process. I pluck my sticks and arrange their dollops of turquoise into groupings of harmonious size and color to design a bracelet composed of bezel-set turquoise. I frequently experiment with ways of using small pieces in inlay or mosaic.

Diamonds, it seems, are commonplace compared to a natural, good Cerrillos turquoise stone. To honor this rarity, I only use 18 kt gold bezels. In addition, I occasionally use diamonds alongside the turquoise as a way of emphasizing the turquoise’s intrinsic value. This is true whether the stone is the Tiffany sky blue mined long ago by McNulty, or if it holds a matrix as complex as a landscape viewed from an airplane. To my mind, my process serves as an homage to the preciousness and the rarity of this material.

In cutting the Cerrillos turquoise I preserve as much of the stone as possible, gravitating towards a shape ultimately suggested by the original rough material. As I make my jewelry designs, I struggle in this hands-on process when, after choosing a stone and design, I cut the turquoise, only to have it break beneath my hands or, equally as disappointing, discover buried in its heart a fatal crack. A necklace such as Irish Majestic, named in honor of J. P. McNulty, the Irish immigrant manager of the Tiffany mine, includes asymmetrical greenish Castilian stones, cut to preserve as much of the extraordinary turquoise as possible. Inspired by the play of colors and shapes in my paintings, I arrange these stones to create an exciting visual dynamic.

Is This Real?

In my early days as a silversmith and jewelry designer, I encountered a wide range of turquoise, memorizing source names associated with certain colors and characteristics. It wasn’t long before I recognized how unreliable this method is for purposes of identification. In addition to human limitations, such as different educations, backgrounds, degrees of experience, and eyesight, the motives of both the questioner and the appraiser might affect the appraisal. I’ve known many stories of false identification—some by the earnest and well intentioned, and others by the unscrupulous. In certain cases, while the identification may be accurate, the valuation is problematic. This is true of a superstar mine from the past—Bisbee, Landers, Number 8—whose stone became valuable and famous because of the relatively small amount of “high grade” color and characteristics from that mine. Today someone is selling the lower grade, which is far less interesting and valuable.

People often request appraisals from me on jewelry they claim to be Cerrillos, or specifically “Tiffany” mine turquoise. They may have been told it’s Cerrillos by someone who has knowledge or interest and is assumed to have expertise.

Unfortunately, however, the origin is often unknowable, even if we follow tradition and ask an expert. Even now, researchers seek methods of identifying the source of a particular piece of turquoise. But these efforts are unsuccessful as of yet, and today we can only guess. There are pieces of turquoise that I know are from Cerrillos because I plucked them from that ground with my own hands. However, had someone else brought them to me, I might have identified them as Royston. Two pieces of turquoise from the same mine, coming from two different veins a few feet apart, can look so different that they could easily be attributed to different mines.

While we ponder a particular stone’s origins, we can also ponder the philosophical and psychological need for this knowledge. What is it about turquoise that makes people want to know exactly what mine it came from? Most people who own diamonds, sapphires, silver, or gold don’t ask this question. Few of them wonder whether the raw materials in their jewelry are “old” or “new”—extracted from the earth recently or long ago. But turquoise is different. Perhaps it’s because the human eye can see such variation that we want to know the source. Or perhaps we enjoy a tangible link to local history. Maybe our DNA gets involved, creating a seductive connection to our human ancestors. We sense, ultimately, that this stone has been here far longer than we have.

I am often asked about turquoise: “How do you know it’s real?” I always reply, “How do you know your diamonds are real?” I want to ask: How do you know if anything is real? We live in the fabricated world of humankind and question reality. And I still wonder, What is real?

In the late nineteenth century, the Tiffany jewelry company wanted only the purest blue stones, without evidence of matrix. Correspondence between McNulty in Cerrillos and the Tiffany investors in New York contains their complaints that the contents of his turquoise-filled cigar boxes, shipped weekly by train, were too full of matrix. I theorize that Tiffany wanted the pure blue stone because life then was difficult, dirty, and rough-hewn already. A flawless color became an ideal. In today’s streamlined world, however, many of us covet earthiness. McNulty’s estate included a treasure of rock and turquoise, inherited by Patricia McCraw and, through her generosity, sold to me in its entirety. As a result, some of my most cherished turquoise from the Cerrillos mines comes from McNulty’s discards—bright blue stones with dun-colored matrix spreading through like a river’s delta. An appreciation for natural turquoise develops from seeing it, holding it, touching it, wearing it, and from contemplating its history and variety. Anyone can choose a favorite. Turquoise, “real” or not, from this mine or from that mine, from this continent or from that one, represents something greater than the stone itself. And that, in the continuing story of an enchanting blue stone, is really interesting.

Douglas Magnus is the proprietor of Douglas Magnus Studios in Santa Fe, New Mexico. He has contributed essays to the anthologies We Came to Santa Fe (Pennywhistle Press) and Turquoise in Mexico and North America (Archetype Publications in association with the British Museum), and is a frequent lecturer on the history of turquoise in the Southwest.

Pueblo Jewelry Making In Chaco Canyon, New Mexico

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Jewelry making in the Southwest has a long history, and the Ancestral Pueblo people left behind elegant necklaces of black, white, red, and turquoise beads, as well as pendants and inlaid objects. Some of the most spectacular items were found in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, in the site named Pueblo Bonito, a great house excavated by George Pepper in the late 1890s and Neil Judd during the 1920s.

The thousands of beads, pendants, and mosaic pieces called tesserae recovered from this site suggest many hours of labor. A number of skilled lapidaries probably were involved in this task between AD 900 and 1130. Pepper and Judd both found a few tools and some broken, unfinished jewelry pieces that demonstrate how jewelry was made, but neither described a jewelry workshop.

Tools Used for Jewelry MakingJudd was fortunate to employ at least one Zuni lapidary on his excavation crew who identified sandstone abraders, saws, and files that were similar to tools he used, and he commented on how they functioned. Yet it was the turquoise objects themselves that provided the best evidence of how jewelry was manufactured. These were not necessarily finished items, but small scraps or debris that came off a piece while the lapidary cut and shaped a rough form from raw specimens, rounded off the edges, or drilled a perforation for stringing beads and pendants. Judd also found pieces that broke while the object was being formed or polished.

Disk-shaped pieces without perforations are evidence of one step in manufacturing a bead, and beads and pendants broken while a perforation was being drilled indicate that the jewelry makers were not always successful in completing their tasks. Although stone tools were used to drill biconical holes in beads and pendants, some of the very smallest beads at Pueblo Bonito were only 1.8 mm in diameter, with perforations of only 0.75 mm. These stone drills recovered from Pueblo Bonito were too large to make such a small hole. Experiments conducted by Emil Haury using a barrel-cactus spine as a drill suggested to Judd that some type of cactus spine might have provided a needle-sized point to drill the cylindrical holes in these tiny objects.

Based on Judd’s report, archaeologists had a good idea of what types of artifacts would comprise a jewelry work location, but it was not until the 1970s, when the National Park Service excavated a number of sites in Chaco Canyon, that a more detailed picture of turquoise-jewelry production emerged. In addition to jewelry-making debris, abraders and files and drills made of chalcedonic silicified wood from a number of sites suggest where someone was making jewelry.

A Jewelry Workshop SiteAlthough several workshop areas have now been identified, the best description of jewelry making comes from a small site that was part of the Fajada Gap Community, an area that has been subdivided into several smaller locales. In 1975 and 1976, excavation at the Spadefoot Toad Site (also recorded as 29SJ 629 and LA 40629) revealed that sometime around AD 875 – 925 probably two families constructed and lived in a pithouse and used several aboveground storage rooms and a ramada-shaded plaza for their daily activities. By the late AD 900s, the pithouse was undergoing change from a residential structure to a kiva. At this time, the inhabitants constructed four additional aboveground rooms for habitation and storage and a second pithouse that would accommodate some kiva-related functions. These newer structures, plus the original pithouse and storage rooms, continued to be used until approximately AD 1030 to 1050. Around AD 1100, another kiva was placed almost directly above the initial pithouse. Thomas Windes, who was responsible for the excavation of this site, considered the possibility that this late kiva was part of the occupation of a neighboring site, rather than a continuation of the earlier settlement at the Spadefoot Toad Site.

The inhabitants of the Spadefoot Toad Site probably were farmers who, in addition to processing food, made turquoise jewelry. Besides turquoise and abraders similar to the ones described by Judd, a number of drills made from chalcedonic silicified wood were found. Windes also suggested that burned selenite could have been used as an abrasive because it was usually found near the turquoise, drills, and abraders that indicated jewelry-making locations. Material found in three areas of the site dating around AD 975 to 1030 attest to this interpretation: Pithouse 2; the roofs of Storage Rooms 5, 6, and 7; and the plaza between these structures.

Pithouse 2 had two floors. No artifacts were recovered from the lowest floor, but two heating pits associated with that floor, one sealed and one unsealed, had turquoise flecks in the fill. The presence of the flecks in a sealed pit suggests that someone probably had been making turquoise jewelry there during the early use of this structure. Evidence from the upper floor, however, was much more extensive. Windes thought that the inhabitants laid down a clean, sandy layer in the northeast quadrant to cushion and protect the floor. Among the artifacts found on the floor and in the sandy layer were a lapidary file, a possible lapidary abrader, a turquoise pendant blank, large and small turquoise debris, and burned selenite sitting in a broken bowl fragment. Other stone tools not indicative of food processing suggest that the person using this area was not part of those activities.

Three typical storage rooms were associated with Pithouse 2. Excavated into the ground, Rooms 5, 6, and 7 were tub-shaped below floor level; the lack of doors in all but one (in the wall of Room 7) suggested entryways through the roof. Although Room 7 had little evidence of activity other than storage, Room 5 and Room 6 revealed some traces of jewelry production. On the floor of Room 5 were two abraders and a fragment of a shell ring. Fill above the floor that was interpreted as roof fall contained additional bits of turquoise, small drills made of chalcedonic silicified wood, two small abraders, and some pieces of ground calcite. Five grooved abraders were recovered in Room 6, and a small piece of turquoise, a drill, and a projectile point suggested that jewelry production might have taken place on the roof. The roofs of these storage rooms would have been an excellent place to work during the cooler days of spring and fall.

The plaza in front of the storage rooms was covered by a ramada that provided shade and functioned as a summer workspace. In front of the storage rooms, the plaza floor contained five large bell-shaped pits, three of which were thought to be associated with the tub-shaped storage rooms. Two of these, both of which had been plugged with construction debris and adobe prior to AD 1030, contained some jewelry-making tools and debris. Other Pit 1, directly in front of Room 6, was initially used as a storage pit before it was intentionally filled with some unusual remains. In two layers above the pit floor were bones from four turkey skeletons, an arm of a young adult human male, and a small wooden cylinder with green paint or flecks of turquoise on one end. Above these, in Layer 3, was evidence of debris from turquoise jewelry making. Besides 50 – 100 broken beads, several pieces of tesserae, and a few pendants, the fill contained an estimated 500,000 turquoise microchips. Tools thought to have been used to create the turquoise jewelry — three tiny drills and numerous flakes of chalcedonic silicified wood, as well as a third of the site’s lapidary abraders — were also present. Ceramics in the fill suggest the pit was sealed sometime in the early AD 1000s.

The second bell-shaped pit, Other Pit 6, in front of Room 7, was probably closed at the same time. Here fragments of unworked selenite, some turquoise, and a chalcedonic silicified wood chip could also be related to jewelry manufacture. A third bell-shaped pit with evidence of jewelry making, Other Pit 14, was in front of Room 7. Artifacts recovered here included 10 pieces of turquoise, 5 bracelet fragments made of Glycymeris shell, and 264 pieces of unworked selenite. Yet other artifacts, hammerstones and other types of stone tools, were thought to be associated with food processing, another plaza activity. Although there were other large pits in the plaza area, these three were similar in size and function. The plaza surface also had evidence of jewelry production: microdrills, turquoise debris, and broken turquoise beads.

Interpreting the SiteThe evidence from this site provides a glimpse of how jewelry was produced during an approximately fifty-year period and suggests who might have made it. One interpretation is that one family (or possibly an extended family) of farmers living in a small house in this section of the Fajada Gap Community spent considerable time and effort making jewelry. When the family (or possibly two families) first constructed the site, they lived in Pithouse 2 and stored their foodstuffs on a long-term basis in three tub-shaped rooms and their short-term foods in three bell-shaped pits in the plaza. On warm winter days they might have sat on top of the rooms while they cut, ground, and polished turquoise jewelry pieces. In summer, spare time would have been spent under the ramada on the plaza preparing food and making jewelry. With time, Pithouse 2 took on a more kiva-like appearance, and the family may have increased in size and moved into additional aboveground rooms. A second pithouse may have been used to absorb additional kiva activities. We do not know if one person or several people were employed in the manufacture of turquoise; we do know that around AD 1000, the family had cleaned off their workspaces and placed most of their tools and turquoise debris in the bell-shaped storage pits in the plaza. By AD 1030 they had left the rooms and pithouses at the site to deteriorate and collapse.

Were there full-time craft specialists at the Spadefoot Toad Site? Abundant evidence of food processing and storage suggests the occupants were as involved with these duties as they were with jewelry production. How could they have created something as labor intensive as the necklace found at Pueblo Bonito if most of their time was split between jewelry making and daily tasks? It took Haury fifteen minutes to drill a hole in a fine-grained pelitic rock that was 1.47 mm thick. A Chacoan craftsman would have been much faster. Still, there were approximately 2,500 beads in the necklace from Pueblo Bonito, as well as thousands of additional beads and pendants found at this and other sites in the canyon. If we estimate five minutes per bead to make just one perforation, it would have taken at least 208 hours just to drill the holes in this one necklace, let alone form the bead blanks, polish the beads, and string the entire set into a necklace. In short, it took a lot of time to make this kind of jewelry.

The inhabitants of the Spadefoot Toad Site were not the only jewelry makers in the canyon. Windes infers that jewelry making was carried out at several other sites in Marcia’s Rincon and the Fajada Gap Community. In none of these other sites do we have as extensive evidence as at the Spadefoot Toad Site or see a full-time specialist at work; yet the time and labor involved to make all of the jewelry items recovered in Chaco Canyon suggests that many workers must have contributed to the lapidary crafts. The evidence from sites in Chaco Canyon suggests the jewelry makers were probably much like Judd’s Zuni workman, who, depending on the time of the year and the opportunities available to him, was a farmer, a jewelry craftsman, and an archaeological assistant at Pueblo Bonito.

Frances Joan Mathien is a retired National Park Service archaeologist and adjunct professor at the Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico; a research associate at the Office of Archaeological Studies, New Mexico Department of Cultural Affairs; and a research associate at the Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, University of New Mexico.

Turquoise, Water, Sky

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BY CINDRA KLINE

TURQUOISE REQUIRES WATER TO form,” explains Maxine McBrinn, curator of archaeology at the Museum of Indian Arts and Culture (MIAC). “In areas where so little water exists, the underlying understanding that turquoise is formed by the action of water only adds to its aesthetic appeal.”

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Earth and I Gave You Turquoise

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BY N. SCOTT MOMADAY
Earth and I gave you turquoise when you walked singing (more…)

Della Warrior

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WITH STEVE CANTRELL

Della Warrior arrived at the Museum of Indian Arts and Culture (MIAC) in July 2013 after serving as president of the Institute of American Indian Arts (IAIA), director of Indian Education for the Albuquerque Public Schools, and the first female chairperson of her Otoe-Missouria Tribe in Oklahoma. Contributing Editor Steve Cantrell asked her about her plans for the future of the museum.

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Blue Bloods

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BY MARGARETE BAGSHAW

Gobs and gobs of turquoise, draped over the old, young, and middle-aged women, men, and everyone in between. Some of them look like Christmas trees, walking around Santa Fe in their uniform: felt hats with hat bands, Pendleton or leather coats with silver and turquoise buttons, boots with silver tips and some sort of ranch wear for ladies.

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The Black Place

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BY WALTER W. NELSON, WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY KATHERINE WARE AND AN ESSAY BY DOUGLAS PRESTON
From the introduction by Katherine Ware

A few decades after its inception, photography was quickly put to use in capturing images of faraway places, providing armchair travelers with virtual visits to the monuments of ancient civilizations in Egypt, China, and India, among other locations.

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The Pinhole and the Atom

Black and white image of an early-stage nuclear explosion, showing a bright central blast and a developing mushroom-shaped cloud against a dark background. [gen-ai]
Julian Mack, Trinity Site Atomic Bomb Test, July 16, 1945. Pinhole photograph. Courtesy Los Alamos National Laboratories and the Palace of the Governors Photo Archives (NMHM/DCA), Pinhole Resource Collection, Neg. No. HP.2012.15.775.

Just imagine the moment: some of the world’s top scientific minds, after working in secrecy for years in Los Alamos, were at White Sands to witness a test of the first atomic bomb.

Among those who had gathered to watch and record the detonation was Julian Mack, physics professor from the University of Wisconsin, who had arrived in Los Alamos via Princeton University. He was, in part, in charge of the optical work, the construction of laboratories, and the moving of two electrostatic accelerators from the University of Wisconsin. Working around the clock on blast measurement recording systems and a myriad of other highly-technical systems required for the test, Mack found the time to pull out a pinhole camera and take this photograph when the bomb exploded. The image captured the brightest flash of light ever produced on earth. So here you have an extreme technological achievement recorded by the most rudimentary of cameras. This photograph will be on view in Poetics of Light, an exhibition opening at the New Mexico History Museum on April 27, where it joins pinhole photographs of flowers, landscapes, and people—all demonstrating that some of the brightest flashes on earth are in a smile or a sunset.

Daniel Kosharek (opens in a new tab) is a writer and former photo curator at the Palace of the Governors Photo Archives at the New Mexico History Museum.

Child’s Play

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Sometimes simplicity captures a child’s imagination more effectively than does the latest cyber toy. I called my four-year-old friend’s attention to a series of paper theater sets lining a hallway at the Museum of International Folk Art.

No video, nothing mechanical, just paper figures and scenery within a proscenium. She stared transfixed as I spun out the familiar story of “Sleeping Beauty.”

Her fascination set me to investigating a popular mid-nineteenth to early twentieth-century domestic entertainment. Unlikely as it seems, collecting printed sheets, cuttingout figures and sets, gluing them to board, and following accompanying playbooks to present a production was the purview of young boys. Publishers in Germany, France, Austria, Spain, Denmark, the United States, and England catered to this audience with depictions of the works of celebrated playwrights, operas, and even the internationally popular novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

Robert Louis Stevenson (1850–1894) memorialized the trend in his essay “A Penny Plain and Twopence Coloured.” Stevenson recalled his youthful passion for collecting and applying watercolors to the elements of toy theaters, as well as his purist distain for any who would purchase the more expensive precolored sheets. “[T]there was a physical pleasure in the sight and touch of them. . . . I might enact all novels and romances; and took from these rude cuts an enduring and transforming pleasure.”

In his essay Stevenson referred to the last in the line of English publishers of toy theaters, Benjamin Pollock (active 1876–1937). A 1920s newsreel (available on YouTube) follows him printing the sheets, coloring them with stencil, cutting them out, and assembling the theater for a complex production. Pollock’s successors continued production until 1952, when the shop’s stock was purchased by an enthusiast who opened Pollock’s Toy Museum, still operating in Camden, London.

National press picked up on the continuing interest in antique toy theaters with wide coverage of the 2010 exhibition A Child’s View: 19th-Century Paper Theaters, at the Bruce Museum, Greenwich, Connecticut, showcasing the collection of New Yorker Eric. G. Bernard. Fortunately for New Mexico, toy theaters were also collected by Alexander Girard. The group on exhibit at the Museum of International Folk Art just hints at what he amassed, starting as a schoolboy.

Curator Laura Addison led me to the storage area, where an entire wall is lined with cabinets filled with the sheets of the sort that inspired Stevenson so long ago. She carefully withdrew samples, and there they were, unpainted or hand colored, uncut or unmounted: Robinson Crusoe, Richard Wagner’s Flying Dutchman, Uncle Tom, and so many more, many with their playbooks. They are early testaments to the collecting passion that would lead Girard to gather the creative expressions from around the world that are among the most popular attractions of the Museum of International Folk Art.

I have it on good authority that the display of Girard’s boyhood collection came to life in a moment of special magic a couple decades ago. A family of mice invaded the display, and before they were rapidly evicted, they capered across the stages like a Nutcracker ballet brought to life. Even sans mice, what Stevenson called “the silent theater of the brain” is guaranteed to enchant new generations.

Penelope Hunter-Stiebel was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Portland Art Museum, Oregon, and recently curated Mirror, Mirror: Photographs of Frida Kahlo for the Nuevo Mexicano Heritage Arts Museum.

Poetics of Light

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BY KATE NELSON

In an age when every cell phone can take a respectable picture, cameras as low-tech as an oatmeal box still beguile a legion of practitioners, both artistic and documentarian. With roots in the ancient discovery of the camera obscura, pinhole photography has enchanted artists from the 1880s through today.

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